Classical And Modern Liberalism Politics Essay

Classical And Modern Liberalism Politics Essay Liberalism is a political ideology portrayed as the ideology of the industrialized West. Although liberals of all time never waver in their faith in protecting the liberty of individuals, the meaning of the word keeps changing over time. The main purpose of this essay is to examine the differences of classical liberalism and modern liberalism. The first part will provide the definition of liberalism in general, focusing on the shared elements in all forms of liberalism. The second part will introduce the history of liberalism, from classical and modern liberalism till contemporary neoliberalism, and try to illustrate the connection between their main doctrines and historical contexts. In the last part, I would closely examine the differences between classical and modern liberalism, and discuss the boundary between liberty and government intervention in contemporary society. Definition of Liberalism Liberalism, as implied in its name, is a political ideology whose main concern is to protect and enhance the liberty of individuals. As a political doctrine, liberalism did not emerge until the early nineteenth century. However, liberal thoughts and values had been developed through enormous social changes from the sixteenth century, and can even be traced back to as early as ancient Greece and Rome, although there are some distinctions in the main elements. (Heywood 46) There are several common elements shared by all variants of liberalism. According to John Gray, they can be summed up in 4 points(x). Firstly, individualism. It reflects the belief that human beings are foremost individuals, rather than subjected to any collectivity. Therefore, liberals aim at constructing a society in which individuals are provided the freedom to pursue his or her own good or happiness. Secondly, egalitarian or equality. Liberals believe that all individuals are born equal, in terms of two equal rights, namely legal equality and political equality (Heywood 46). However, as people have different talents or abilities, liberals are devoted to provide equal opportunities for everyone to realize their uneven potential. Thirdly, universalism. They affirm that the human process a unified morality. It should be taken in account ahead of the difference of their cultural. Fourthly, meliorism. By meliorism, liberalism firstly implies a belief in the reason of human beings. Thr ough reasoning, individuals can make wise judgments and resolve disputes by the means of debate and discussion. In this way, the society, which is the collection of individuals and its construction are generally progressing. On this premise, liberals believe that people should be offered enough toleration in order to pursue their own interests. It is under this circumstance that the balance and progress of a society can be achieved. However, liberalism has several different sources. It owes something to Stoicism and to Christianity, it has been inspired by scepticism and by a fideistic certainty of divine revelation and it has exalted the power of reason (Gray: x). Apart from its multiple sources, liberalism is also sensitive to the variation of time and conditions. French liberalism and English liberalism have many significant differences. Classical liberalism and modern liberalism are notably different in many ways. For these reasons, liberalism is sometimes seen as a meta-ideology, which consists of rival beliefs and values. History of liberalism Classical liberalism The political foundations of classical liberalism root in a series of social changes from the sixteenth century. The late Medieval saw the dissolve of feudalism and the rise of absolutism. Meanwhile, the power of papacy was weakened and religious reformation was seen in European countries. Rulers had to enforce the conformity either to Roman Catholicism or Protestantism. This process triggered conflicts within and among the states. One example was the Thirty Years War from 1618 to 1648, which brought Europe an enormous damage. In the next century, as industrialization gained pace, a new social class, namely the middle class emerges. They yearned for more political participation and economic freedom. These factors triggered the revolutions in the seventeenth and eighteenth century, the most notable of which were the Glorious Revolution in England in 1688, the American Revolution from 1775-83, and the 1789s French Revolution. In this circumstance, liberalism gradually emerged as a poli tical doctrine. (Encyclopà ¦dia Britannica) In the light of the philosophy of English liberals John Locke , French political philosopher Montesquieu , and even earlier the individualism of Thomas Hobbes , early liberals aimed at restricting the power of the government over individuals. In the word of UK-born political activist and pamphleteer Thomas Paine, the government is a necessary evil. (Heywood, 2007:47) Opposing feudal privilege and absolutism, liberals emphasize the importance of constitution and a representative government. The structure of a minimum government was supplemented by Montesquieu. He designed a mechanism of check-and-balance by advocating the separation of three power of the government: legislative, executive and judiciary.(Gingell, Little and Winch 105) Classical liberals, such as Locke also asserted that private poverty is the foundation of liberty of individuals (qtd. in Gingell, Little and Winch 71-79). Another crucial element of classical liberalism is economic liberalism. This principle was mostly provided by Adam Smith in The Wealth of Nations. In a word, classical liberals advocate Laissez-faire, believing in the self-regulating of the market and the minimum of government intervention, which guarantees liberty of individuals and the prosperity of the market (Heywood 47). The philosophical justification of classical liberalism is supplemented by utilitarianism. It was put forward by Jeremy Bentham, James Mill and J.S. Mill. They believe that the goal of a society is to obtain the greatest happiness of the greatest number. In achieving this goal, a representative government which upholds liberty is necessary. (Gingell, Little and Winch 225-228) Classical liberalism had a profound impact on the politic throughout the centuries. It inspired the creation of unified, independent, constitutional states which based on representative principles and the rule of law. In After the Glorious Revolution, under influence of the Whigs, who was the precursor of todays Liberal Party, precepts of classical liberalism had long governed England. In France, liberal goals were achieved in 1871 by the Third Republic. Another significant success was the found of the United States in 1776. In the economic realm, numerous feudal restrictions on manufacturing and internal commerce were abolished. Meanwhile, tariffs and restrictions on imports intended to protect domestic manufactures were put into end. (Encyclopà ¦dia Britannica) Modern Liberalism By the end of nineteenth century, problems had gradually revealed in the free market economy in England and North America. Profits of the booming industry were concentrated in the hand of big companies, while the mass benefited very little. Consequently, the gap between the rich and the poor was significantly enlarged. Moreover, as the poor mass was not able to consume, there were a large surplus of supply, which led to depressions. Meanwhile, as the rich gained more and more power, they were increasingly able to influence politic and limit competition. (Encyclopà ¦dia Britannica) In this circumstance, liberals of the late nineteenth century and early twentieth (e.g. T.H. Green and L.T Hobhouse) started to seek for reforms. Their ideas were strongly influence by J.S Mill, who was widely recognized as the watershed philosopher in liberalism. (Grey 30-31; Heywood 48) Generally, modern liberals hold that freedom does not equal to being left alone. Being left alone, human beings are weaker instead of stronger. They would be stuck in poverty, hunger, illness and helpless and that enjoy less liberty to realize themselves. Hence, Social welfare in particular is to be provided by the government. Meanwhile, the laissez-faire capitalism was rejected by new liberals. Ideas of classical liberals were proved defective in the industrialization and were further challenged by the two world wars and the Great Depression in the 1930s. In The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money , UK economist J.M. Keynes argued that it was laissez-faire policies that resulted in huge unemployment and economic instability, thus the government should manage the aggregate demand in the economy through tax and spending policies. (Heywood 190) From 1950 onwards, government intervention had expanded into various areas of life. (Grey 28) Social welfare starting from free public education and workers accident insurance were established. Modern liberalism reached its peak in the post war period, when everything, from industries to the dignity of individuals, was to be reconstructed. Welfare programs were further expended throughout western world, including social insurance, pensions, family allowances, medical care, and government-funded higher education. (Encyclopà ¦dia Britannica) In economic sector, visible hand of the government had achieved remarkable results. For example, President Franklin Roosevelts New Deal (1933-1939) successfully lifted American out of the Great Depression. Neoliberalism Neoliberalism is a retrieve of the political economy in classical liberalism. The ideas were developed by twenty centurys economists, e.g. Friedrich Hayek and philosophers such as Robert Nozick (Heywood 52). They address the problem of the slowing down economic growth which starting from the mid-1970s in the western world. (Encyclopà ¦dia Britannica) Neoliberals hold that intervention, whether with a good intention or not, would have negative effects. The best solution should still be found in self-help, individual responsibility and entrepreneurialism (Heywood 52). One expression of the idea was Margaret Thatchers policies. She also asserted that there is no such thing as society, only individuals and their families (Heywood 52). Comparison of classical and modern liberalism Negative liberty vs positive liberty The distinctions between classical and modern liberalism root in their different understanding of liberty. English philosopher Isaiah Berlin made a profound distinction between two concepts of liberty, which he called negative liberty and positive liberty. By being free in a negative sense, Berlin meant not being interfered with by others (123). While in the second case, freedom means the capability of the individual to be his own master (131). Classical liberals focus on the maximizing of negative liberty, while by contrast, modern liberals hold that the government should assistant individuals to realize their positive freedom. Minimum state vs social welfare By advocating a minimal state, classical liberals focus on the maximizing of negative liberty. In a minimal state, only three core functions are left in hand of the government. Firstly, maintaining domestic order with organizations such as police force. Secondly, it should enforce contracts or agreements between citizens, which means the function of judiciary. Thirdly, the state should protect the people from external threat, thus a military is needed. (Heywood 99) By contrast, modern liberals hold that the government should assistant individuals to realize their positive freedom. Therefore, social welfare programs are strongly upheld. However, there was still a boundary. According to T.H Green, when and only when individuals are in threat of being enslaved by liberty should the government intervene (Tyler).In another word, social welfare should help those who cannot help themselves. Laissez-faire vs government intervention Adam Smith asserted that the invisible hand, namely the self-interest of the individual in a free market would lead to the well-being of the economy. In order to benefit himself, one has to produce according to the demand of the market, which Smith phrased as invisible hand (Smith vol. 2a) On the contrary, government intervention is dangerous  as it was exercised in the hands of a man who had folly and presumption enough to fancy himself. (Smith vol. 2a) By contrast, modern liberal economists, such as Keynes, pointed out that economy is not perfectly self-managing. Only under the rule of supply and demand, monopolization is unavoidable. Profits fall into the hands of a few people while the mass are incapable of consuming, which doom the end of capital circulation economic prosperity. Only with government intervention can the economy maintain a prolonged prosperity. (John Maynard Keynes). However, it is notable that the idea of free market was never fully abandoned by modern liberals even Keynes. Unlike socialists, they had no intention to nationalize the economy or interfere with the mechanism of supply and demand. According to Keynes, the visible hand functions not by cutting wages to insure full employment, but by expansionary fiscal policy, such as spending money on public projects to expand demand.(Sharpe) In order to evaluate both concepts of liberalism, we should take in to consideration their historical contexts. Because every political philosophy is the product of a certain time and circumstance and therefore has its limitation. As showed above, classical liberalism was born in a time of the transformation from feudalism to absolutism. It was a time when the government still ruled over people. Hence, the deep suspicion of the government is reasonable. In a time when the negative liberty of individuals were everywhere under threat, it is important to introduce the concepts of social contract and restrict the power of government at any cost. Modern liberalism however, addressed mainly the problem emerging in industrialization. It had been observed that even if free from all external restrictions, sometimes people are still vulnerable and incapable to realize themselves. In addition, with the development of representative democracy, government itself had gained more trust that it can represent the will of the individuals. Nowadays the idea of social welfare and economic intervention has been widely accepted in most western countries. However, there are still a lot of questions. One of them is that if government is justified to intervene, what should be the limitation? With respect to social welfare, modern liberals have provided the answer themselves. In his Theory of Justice, John Rawls suggested two principles to justify redistribution. The first one, which he called equal principle, suggests that individuals should have equal rights to basic liberty. The second principle, which is difference principle, inequality is justified, only if it promotes the well-being of the worse-offs compared to in the condition of equal liberty. (Rawls, John) This boundary is of great importance. Because, firstly, equality is an indispensable principle of liberalism. Policies in favor of the weak should be designed to compensate the existing inequality, not to create new inequality. Excessive protection would jeopardize social equality and lead to negative consequences. Take the debate over Affirmative Action in the United States as an example. This action was aimed to redress the disadvantages caused by historical discrimination. However, the clauses had aroused intensive controversy, being accused of generating inverse discrimination. For example, in the 1978 Regents v. Bakke case, student Bakke sued the Medical School of University of California at Davis, for it reserved sixteen present of studying slots to minorities, which was ruled by the Supreme Court as unconstitutional. (Fullinwider) In this case, intervention did not only help the worse-offs, but also harm the better-offs. Secondly, excessive welfare would make the people depend too much on the state and lose the motion of self-realization. As a result, the drive for social progress will be impeded. For instance, nanny state, which provide social care from curdle to grave are always criticized for   creating an  underclass  of  welfare  dependents. (Nanny state) However, as for economy, the line is much vaguer. Neoliberals of our time remind us the warning of Adam Smith that economic planning was doomed to fail. The reason is however, according to Von Hayek, that even if with good intention, the government would never have enough knowledge to make the right decision. Hence, they rejected the direct government intervention to promote demand, but suggested that government should maintain a stable value of money. (Ingham) From the 1970s, Keynesianism seemed to reach its bottleneck. Regulations concerning the insurance, banking, and financial industries were eliminated in the next decades. (Encyclopà ¦dia Britannica). Relaxed regulations have brought good effects, but would that be the permanent prescription? The answer is in the negative. The economic crisis of 2007-08 originating in the financial system in the U.S. exemplified the shortcoming of insufficient regulation. In his last term, President Barack Obama undertook a series of policies that re-regulate or nationalize the bank (Encyclopà ¦dia Britannica). In Neoliberalism: A Critical Reader edited by Alfredo Saad-Filho, the defects of contemporary Laissez-faire policy were examined. These include unemployment, enlarged domestical and international inequality, and the destruction of environment. (Saad-Filho and Johnston 5) The development of society sometimes shows a pattern of a waving pendulum. Capitalism is and will always trying to find a balance between efficiency and equality. Conclusion From its sprout in the seventeenth century, to its transformation starting in the late nineteenth century, and until the revival of its original ideas in the recent decades, liberalism constantly adjust itself according to time and circumstances. Due to different historical contexts, Classical and modern liberalism explained liberty from different perspectives. Compared with classical liberals, modern liberals have more confidence in the government and that uphold more intervention in social and economic affairs. Nevertheless, the belief in the supreme value of individuals and the reason of human beings, the respect for equality and universality of morality remain unchanged. In contemporary society, although it have been widely accepted that government should protect the positive liberty of individuals, what is the limitation of government intervention will remain a question.

Mildred Pierce - A Woman’s Place is in the Kitchen Essay -- Mildred Pi

Mildred Pierce - A Woman’s Place is in the Kitchen A woman’s Place is in the Kitchen. Mildred Pierce uses her talents as a cook to manipulate her way through the world. Mildred has her own style of characteristics. She is fast, active, swift and inescapable around the kitchen. She turns out to be wise and brilliant around many things. For example: running her business. Unfortunately, one thing she never did was use her gut to comprehend Veda. She did everything to please her but Veda was never satisfied. In the following paragraphs we will get to know our friend Mildred, her intentions, thoughts and how she handled her way through the world. Mildred has a cooking talent. She is a small woman with gorgeous, attractive legs. She used those attributes to survive a divorce and poverty and to claw her way out of the lower middle class (Cain, back of book). As she divorces Burt, husband, she begins an independent life working as a waitress. As Mildred becomes more and more successful around the restaurant she develops self-confidence and security. Mildred never cooked anything herself now or put on a uniform. (Cain 208) Mildred is always around the kitchen. This seems to be her devotion to life, her enjoyment, and her profession. It is how she gets around and pays the bills. Ahead we’ll see how her hardworking attitude brought her out of poverty and into a high-class businesswoman. In the beginning of the story we are described how she has been earning extra money from baking and designing superb and stunning cakes. Next, she brings out her talent by cooking dinner for Wally, as she tried to impress Wally to marry her so she’ll be able to survive out of her tragic days. She really was a marvelous cook, and he watched deli... ...using skills, tricks, shortcuts, and her proficient talent. Cooking takes Mildred from a quiet desperate woman to a successful business owner. Unfortunately, blinded by Veda, she looses everything she makes and remarries the man she loves or I can say is most comfortable with, Bert. Anyone who is good at something should make the best of it, at the same time should never be a fool for anything or anyone in this case, yes even for your children. Citations Alan, Gary. Kitchens: The culture of restaurant work. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995. Cain, James. Mildred Pierce. New York: Random, 1941. Nick. www.nicksflickpicks.com/mildred.html. Photos. British Film Institute, http://bfi.org.uk/collections/release/mildred/ Woods, Nialle. Re-Imagining The Liberated Woman. http://showcase.netins.net/web/dendrys/reviews/mildred.html

Racism and imperialism Essay

Our new global â€Å"frontiers† or â€Å"contact zones† come into view more noticeably in the Black Atlantic that links African Americans with West Africans in W. E. B. Du Bois’s and Zora Neale Hurston’s twentieth-century narratives and thus far still proposes the boundaries separating Euro-American from African-American cultural traditions in the United States. W. E. B. DuBois’s The Souls of Black Folk All through his long career and its many different phases, W. E. B. Du Bois continually criticized the United States for following imperialist aims both at home and abroad. He as well is one of the few modern American thinkers to recognize U. S. imperialism to be different from earlier forms of Eurocolonialism and to antedate significantly the Spanish-American War. For Du Bois, U. S. imperialism initiates in slavery and depends on racism to legitimate colonial practices of territorial conquest, economic power, and psychological defeat. Du Bois understands U. S. slavery to be particularly modern, to the extent that it is footed on particular racial distinctions he argues were unknown in earlier forms of serfdom and enslavement. He may well agree regarding the persistence of human unkindness throughout history, however he sees it deployed in a different way in the modern period. In the modern work of colonial domination and its methodical, therefore imperial, application to peoples defined thereby as â€Å"other,† Du Bois judges the United States to have taken the lead. Du Bois’s theory of racial imperialism is intensely contemporary on the economic roots of all imperialisms. However Du Bois comes the closest of the American intellectuals critical of U. S. imperialism before World War II to understanding U. S. imperialism as a neoimperialism of the postmodern sort we at present relate with the political control of spheres of influence, the corporate manipulation of foreign cultures to create new markets, as well as the exportation of American lifestyles by way of such cultural products as literature and film. For the reason that Du Bois understood race and class to be the critically related fictions by which modern nations justified the unfair distribution of wealth and consequently power, he viewed with special lucidity the extent to which cultural work was indispensable to colonial hierarchies both at home and abroad. For this very reason, Du Bois as well understood the power of culture to combat imperialism by challenging such hierarchies and building influential coalitions of the oppressed to resist domination. As Du Bois grew older and angrier regarding the unrecognized involvement of the United States in colonial ventures around the world, particularly in Africa, Latin America, and at home, he authorized an increasingly rigid economic thesis that is both rudely Marxist and inquisitively blind to the enthusiastic imperialism of the Stalinism he espoused. This turn in Du Bois’s career has often distracted scholars from the delicacy of his earlier discussions of the United States as an imperial power and its novel use of culture to disguise and naturalize its practices of domination. Given the propensity of even America’s most energetic modern critics to localize its imperialism in such specific foreign ventures as the Spanish-American War and the general myopia of Americans until quite lately in regard to the imbrication of U. S. racism and imperialism, Du Bois is a precursor of contemporary cultural and postcolonial criticisms of the role culture has played in disguising the imperialist practices of the United States. Wrong as Du Bois was about Stalinism and in his predictions of the predictable victory of socialism in the twentieth century, his persistence on connecting cultural analyses to their economic consequences as well ought to be heard by contemporary cultural critics. Particularly in his writings before the mid-1930s, Du Bois as well experimented with a combination of literary, historical, sociological, and political discourses that might work together as a â€Å"counter-discourse† to the fantastic narrative of U. S. ideology. The multigeneric qualities of The Souls of Black Folk is methodically modern in its respective challenges to conventional modes of representation, this works as well involve an implicit critique of the privileged and intentionally inaccessible oratory. Determined to challenge hierarchies of race, class, and gender, Du Bois understood how powerfully social authority depended on forms of cultural capital traditionally unavailable to African Americans. Du Bois understood from his earliest works that African-American intellectuals and artists would have to offer alternative cultural resources to challenge such subjective however entrenched powers Mules and Men by Zora Neale Hurston Zora Neale Hurston’s criticism of racial and gender hierarchies in the United States and in our foreign policies toward other nations, particularly in the Caribbean, presents another variation on the cultural response to U. S. imperialism. Unlike W. E. B. Du Bois, Hurston does not constantly and rigidly condemn U. S. intervention in the economic, political, and social spheres of other nations, although she obviously connects domestic racism and sexism with neoimperialist foreign policies, particularly those directed at Third World countries. As well Hurston does not romanticize modern or historical Africa, although she argues constantly for the recognition of how African cultural influences have contributed considerably to the artistic, intellectual, as well as social achievements of African-Americans. In a similar manner, Hurston refuses to romanticize colonized peoples as solely victimized by their conquerors; she goes to substantial lengths to illustrate how the process of decolonization, in Haiti, for instance, has too often brought tyrants to power who have rationalized their injustices on grounds of national sovereignty plus strident anti-colonialism. Hurston condemns all the tyrannies she witnesses, and she therefore estranges herself from U. S. nationalists of various sorts, African nationalists, and Communist critics of U. S. imperialism. At the same time, Hurston often appears to universalize the thesis that â€Å"power corrupts. † in a way that trivializes concrete solutions to the problems she identifies in the United States and the Caribbean. Thus far behind Hurston’s contempt for arbitrary power, whether wielded by white or black tyrants, and her disrespect for those who render righteous their own victimization, there is Hurston’s strong commitment to democratic rule and her conviction that solidarity among different victimized peoples will both authorize them and effect appropriate social reforms. These reforms include for Hurston an end to racial and gender hierarchies and the extension of economic opportunities to underprivileged groups, both within the United States and internationally. The utopian model for such social reforms is a truly democratic society in the United States, in spite of Hurston’s consistent criticism of social inequalities in the United States footed on race and gender. On the one hand, Hurston alleged that Euro-American culture, society, and psychology had much to learn from African-American forms of knowledge and experience; in her utopian moments, she imagines white America transformed and redeemed by such knowledge. On the other hand, she implicit the prevalence of a white ideology that treated much of African-American knowledge as â€Å"backward,† â€Å"superstitious,† and â€Å"primitive,† while whites turned these very characteristics into aspects of an exoticized and fashionable â€Å"negritude. † What some critics have referred to as Hurston’s â€Å"coding† of her narratives must be understood as her primary mode of narration, whose intention is to transform attitudes and feelings, together with preconceived ideas, rather than only â€Å"hiding† her intentions to protect her benefaction. Learning to read the â€Å"double consciousness† of Hurston’s coded narratives is itself a way of transgressing the boundary separating African American from white American, even as it respects the social and historical differences of the racism that has yet to be overcome. â€Å"Mules and Men† is frequently treated together for generic reasons, for the reason that it is major instance of Hurston’s work as folklorist and anthropologist. This book is as well interpreted by some critics as using literary techniques that foresee Hurston’s major fiction. It is the premeditated forgetting of this history of tangled fates and therefore of cultural realities that Hurston condemns in the official histories of the United States and that we ought to class as an imperative aspect of U. S. cultural imperialism. Hurston did not reject firmly the idea of the United States as â€Å"global policeman† or the prospect of U. S. foreign policies, particularly in the Caribbean, contributing to democratic ends. In this regard, she was by no means unusual among majority and minority U. S. intellectuals in the 1930s and 1940s. Hurston understood the ongoing racism and sexism in the United States as forms of colonial domination, which needed strategies of resistance that at times, complement more open anti-colonial and post-colonial struggles around the world. Never did she puzzle the realism of social stratifications by race, class, and gender with her ideals for democratic social, legal, as well as human practices. Furthermore it is the conflict between Hurston’s strategies for enlightening and resisting such oppression at home and abroad and her ideals for the spread of democratic institutions, particularly as they are represented by the promise of U. S. democracy that often contributes to the opposing quality of her political judgments or the impression of her apolitical stance. Hurston’s politics are frequently bound up with her own personality as a progressive, â€Å"new Negro,† exemplifying urban sophistication and specialized education, who sought to connect the rural and Afro-Caribbean heritage of African Americans with their modern future. References: W. E. B. DuBois, The Souls of Black Folk (Greenwich, Conn. , 1961), 42-43. Zora Neale Hurston, Mules and Men (NewYork: Harper-Collins, 1990), p. 294

Essay on Managing Energy Sources - 1079 Words

Managing Energy Sources Project Proposal In today’s world were the rate of world’s possessions is deteriorating quickly. There is far added pressure on the factory managers to construct merchandise in a technique that supply greatest management of energy. I would like to choose Motkamills for my module project, which happens to be a paper mill which specialises in producing laminating paper. I have chosen this particular industry because of the fact, pulp for making paper is extracted from the trees and this is one of the industries that need high monitoring to be energy efficient. Moreover they need to be environment friendly as eco-system needs to be in perfect balance for survival of humans. The use of energy monitoring and†¦show more content†¦The energy saving process for 50 GPM of reclaimed water would roughly require about 100 to 200 square feet of common production space. Utility requirements would be compressed air. The estimate for total connected horsepower for the entire process would range from 15 to 20 HP. The operating and maintenance costs for this process would consist of electric power costs along with chemical purchases and maintenance costs. The water recycle process would have to be connected with and electrical load in the range of 15 to 20 horsepower. Based upon the number of times water recycled associated power requirements an annual cost of $7,500 would be incurred according to (O’Connor, October2006). The chemical consumption rates estimated from the test run of this process were found to be very repetitive. The annual cost for chemicals is based upon the experimental operation expenses extrapolated to an annual consumption rate. These costs are based upon the specific coagulant and flocculants needed for the pilot testing. The annual cost is approximated at $16,000. If the fibre is recovered or dewatered further for disposal and the chemical treatment costs may be discounted as they are approximately same as to the chemical requirements for the treatment of the fibre and fillers needed for the waste treatment plant or the recovery of fibre through alternate technologies. According to (O’Connor, October2006) the maintenanceShow MoreRelatedEssay On The World In 20501215 Words   |  5 PagesThe World in 2050: Energy Climate Change Overview: Successfully reducing the effects of climate change to meet the goal set by the Paris Agreement, to keep warming well below +2ËšC (relative to pre-industrial temperatures), requires implementing policies that allow people the autonomy to be creative, enjoy life, and do what they desire to do, while at the same time, limiting the amount of global warming (â€Å"Energy,† 2017). 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